Indonesia: Tracing a path towards parliament
12:59 AM Posted by National Liberation Party Of Unity (PAPERNAS)
By Kelik Ismunanto
November 29, 2008 -- After such a long period of time in a vacuum, uncertain of how to respond to changes caused by neoliberal economic policies, little by little, democracy movement activists have been able to wrest back the political podium.
In the last few months, several national television stations provided a political stage for activists such as Dita Sari, Budiman Sujatmiko, Pius Lustrilanang and other young activists who are contesting the 2009 elections, to explain their reasons for choosing the parliamentary tactic.
Among young activists, there are opinions in favour and against this tactic.
Many activists have longed to fill the available political stage with their fresh ideas and concepts as a solution to the Indonesian nation’s problems. This longing has found a place to rest with the candidature of several activists.
Electoral tactic
The candidature of several activists was debated on TV screens. These include Dita, a leader of the People’s Democratic Party (PRD), under the banner of the Star Reform Party (PBR), as well as Budiman via the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) and Pius through Gerindra.
Cynicism and mockery at the positions taken by Dita, Budiman and Pius, levelled by ex-comrades from the student movement of the 1990s, questions the effectiveness of the parliamentary tactic taken by [those] attempting to propel forward a mass popular movement — to a movement of the mass of people who are more and more thrown on the scrapheap of poverty.
The fact that today Indonesians are deprived of more and more of their basic rights as citizens and that the state is completely abrogating its duties to guarantee the welfare of the people helps to create cynicism among activists towards the state and its institutions such as parliament.
This is also because of past experience, where activists have entered parliament and promptly forgotten what they were fighting for, as if a line has been drawn between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary movements, that somehow these two movements are fundamentally opposed and separate.
This might be true based on recent experiences, but if we look back through history and the experiences of other nations, let’s say that of Malaysia, such an assumption or prejudice is wrong.
In Malaysia, the combination and synergy between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary movements were able to open up the democratic space that had been monopolised by the ruling party.
Post-1998
If we look back to the fall of the Suharto dictatorship in 1998, the democracy movement fragmented while the fake reformists were able to consolidate themselves.
Political elites and former bureaucrats in Suharto’s New Order regime were able to seize back the legal political space, for example through the setting up of new political parties or gaining other public positions.
Meanwhile, the democracy movement became more fragmented in various institutions, and activists became entrapped within the activities of each respective institution. Of course, part of the changes had to do with the fact that movement activists were getting older, with new challenges to face — such as having families to feed — and leaving behind the world of student politics.
Meanwhile the life of the people, who had been the driving force of the movement, was more and more destroyed by market economy policies implemented by successive post-Suharto governments.
The role of the state, which had in the past been able to ameliorate the effects of the global economy, is disappearing more and more. The role of providing regulation and protection that was still able to be performed by the Suharto regime began to be cast aside by policies forced on Indonesia by institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
Indonesia's natural resource wealth was more and more depleted thanks to the antics of the political elite and foreign corporations.
Farmers who sell on the open market scream at the kind of prices being paid for their products. Workers are facing a bleak future thanks to policies of outsourcing; the cost of education and health care rises and rises because of the withdrawal of subsidies.
These are recent problems that are growing acute, problems that didn’t taken on such massive dimensions under Suharto.
Ten years since the fall of Suharto and the height of the student reform movement, the movement has been at a loss in responding to sociological changes and consciousness of the masses that have been the result of the intensifying effects of the free market economy.
Activists have failed in formulating a concept of the basic problems confronting society today that could be the basis of a common platform. The parliamentary option chosen by some of the 1998 activists is a tactic aimed at a breakthrough to pierce the stagnation of the movement.
It has been shown that the important task of wresting back the people’s economic and social rights cannot be achieved simply through an extra-parliamentary movement. Parliament is the main edifice that needs to fortify the people against the ferocity of the free market.
To demarcate between parliamentary and extra-parliamentary roads is not the right solution for building the people’s movement.
As was explained by Dita Sari on television recently, the extra-parliamentary movement needs parliament to formalise the program they are struggling for.
Similarly, those who sit in parliament as genuine people’s representatives need those on the outside to pressure the entire parliament to act in the interests of the people, to respond to their needs.
A synergy between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sections of the movement is of absolute necessity.
[This article was published in the Indonesia newspaper Solo Pos on October 27, 2008. It was translated by Vannessa Hearman for Green Left Weekly. Kelik Ismunanto is a PRD leader and a former 1990s student activist.]
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Anti-communism in the age of reformasi: the case of Papernas
11:44 AM Posted by National Liberation Party Of Unity (PAPERNAS)
May 20, 2008 -- In 2006, some long-term Indonesian activists in the People’s Democratic Party (PRD), such as Dita Sari and Agus ``Jabo’’ Priyono, reflected on how the post-1998 reformasi movement would respond to the 2009 general election. In June 2006, a number of activists and organisations, including eight national organisations such as the Indonesian Buddhist Students’ Association (HikmahBudhi), the National Students’ League for Democracy (LMND) and the Urban Poor Union (SRMK) met in Jakarta to agree to establish Papernas (the National Liberation Party of Unity). Around 40 local groups of farmers, workers, students and advocacy groups in Flores, Sumatra, Maluku, Java and Kalimantan also supported this initiative. PRD activists have made Papernas their key political project in the last few years, which also has created debates and splits inside the PRD over the question of electoral alliances in coming elections.
The PRD had contested the first post-reformasi elections in 1999, achieving 78,000 votes nationally. The low result reflected the financial and logistical difficulties for small parties, as well as the impact on voters of the New Order government’s ban on, and black propaganda against, the party in the late 1990s. In the preparations for the 2004 election, the PRD set up the People’s United Opposition Party (POPOR) to contest the election, however its registration was, according to a 2003 POPOR media release, thwarted by corruption in the bureaucracy responsible for managing the registration process, as well as intimidation by the military against party officials.
PRD’s history
The PRD was officially founded in Jakarta on July 22, 1996. Prior to this, the People’s Democratic Union and its predecessor, the Indonesian Student Solidarity with Democracy (SMID), had been active in the student movement, as well as attempting to organise workers in the large industrial estates surrounding Jakarta, Surabaya and Medan. Under President Suharto, the PRD was banned from July 1996, when the government scapegoated it for masterminding the ``July 27 incident’’ (dubbed a ``riot’’ by the government) at the headquarters of Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in Jakarta. In fact, soldiers and hired thugs masquerading as PDI supporters attacked people protesting the government-inspired removal of Megawati as PDI leader, seized the offices. They knifed and bludgeoned anyone who was in or around the building, which resulted in hundreds of people being killed. The government also accused the PRD of trying to establish a new communist organisation.
Some key PRD leaders, such as Budiman Sujatmiko, Wilson, Anom Astika, Petrus Hariyanto and Garda Sembiring, were imprisoned, sentenced to between 18 months’ and 13 years’ jail. They were released in 1999 by President Habibie. Dita Sari, a prominent woman leader of the party, had been imprisoned since July 8, 1996, for organising a rally of factory workers in Tandes, on the outskirts of Surabaya. The PRD being its key founder has led to Papernas being associated with ``communism’’ by both Islamic and military-linked vigilante groups.
Alliances for 2009 election
Having contended with the bureaucratic requirements of contesting elections with POPOR in 2003, the PRD realised the need for serious work if any political formation is to pass the registration process set by the government. Papernas chairperson Agus ``Jabo’’ Priyono views the tough electoral laws as the chief obstacle for the party in contesting elections. He refers to the provisions of the law, where political parties must have a branch in 66% of provinces and 75% of districts in Indonesia before it can be registered and contest the elections. PRD activists turned towards the setting up of Papernas structures to comply with these regulations and succeeded in conducting a massive outreach exercise. Yet the linking of Papernas with communism poses difficulties for the party in forging electoral alliances with other smaller parties, alliances that it would need to contest the elections, since it looks unlikely that Papernas would be able to contest on its own. Papernas leader Dita Sari has coordinated the Alliance of Political Parties, a grouping of at least 20 smaller, yet to be registered political parties, including Papernas, Hanura and the Renewal Democratic Party (PDP), which protests the government’s electoral law provisions.
Papernas was declared as a party in Kaliurang, Central Java, on January 18-19, 2007, at its founding congress, attended by 370 people from 23 provinces. Congress delegates elected Agus ``Jabo’’ Priyono as chairperson, Haris Sitorus as general secretary and Dita Sari as its presidential candidate for the 2009 election. Papernas’ three key demands are: nationalise the mining industry; abolish the foreign debt; and construct a national industry for the people’s welfare. These are grouped under the `Tripanji (Three Banners) of the People’. The use of the term Tripanji has invited comparisons with the same term used by the banned Indonesian Communist Party, the PKI, in the 1960s.
While dealing with the bureaucratic hurdles of registration and setting up new branches, Papernas has organised rallies around the country to popularise itself and its program. It continues to mobilise its affiliate organisations to support the demand of nationalisation of the mining industry. On February 25, the National Students’ League for Democracy (LMND), a Papernas affiliate. occupied the offices of Exxon Mobil in Jakarta, contrasting the large profits of the company to poor education funding and infrastructure in Indonesia. The Indonesian Centre for Labour Struggle (FNPBI) held a mock fuel queue outside Exxon Mobil on March 12 to symbolise the irony of an oil-rich nation whose people have no access to those resources. Papernas has also held rallies around mining issues in Sumatra, Flores, Sulawesi and Maluku. On May 12 and 13 in the Riau and Batam Islands off the coast of Sumatra, Papernas held rallies to press the demand for nationalisation, which were attended by more than 2000 people. The party is currently preparing to focus their agitation on the price rises of fuel. Fuel is set to rise in price at the end of May or early June 2008.
Anti-communist attacks
The Kaliurang Papernas congress was disrupted on January 19, 2007, when hundreds of people grouped under the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front (FAKI) and the Mosque Youth Friendship Forum (Forum Silaturahmi Remaja Masjid) Yogyakarta protested against the congress and demanded the forcible break-up of the meeting. They argued Papernas was trying to revive communist ideas. Some of the slogans and banners carried by protesters stated that Papernas was haram (forbidden under Islamic law). They demanded that the government uphold the law banning Marxism-Leninism. The 1966 People’s Consultative Assembly decree banning Marxism-Leninism is still in force today and provides some legal standing for these anti-communist protests.
Papernas’ focus on organising workers, farmers and the urban poor in demanding their rights has drawn connections for the party’s detractors, such as the Defenders of Islam Front (FPI), between Papernas and the PKI. Papernas’ program includes free health care and education, disbanding the territorial command structure of the military, rejecting privatisation of oil, gas and electricity, and employment creation through a national industry. Its opponents like the FPI have focused on Papernas’ concerns with ensuring legal rights for prostitutes ``and other workers dealing in vice’’ and the restitution of the rights of the 1965 ex-political prisoners, who under the Suharto’s New Order were stigmatised and discriminated against. Anti-Papernas attacks and harrassment across Java by groups like the FPI, the thug organisation Betawi Brotherhood Forum, the Anti-Communist Front and local-level committees such as the Muhammadiyah Youth of Sidoarjo, as well as attacks in Sulawesi and Kalimantan have been well-organised and systematic.
Rise in anti-communist statements and activities
Between 2005-2007, attacks against organisations, individuals and public gatherings associated with the left became more frequent. Those targeted included Papernas, bookstores such as Ultimus in Bandung, the website Rumah Kiri, groups of ex-political prisoners such as the Foundation to Investigate Victims of the 1965-55 Killings (YPKP). The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras) devoted a section of its 2006 human rights report on anti-communist discourse and activities, consisting of 19 separate incidents, including statements and activities by the police and military. The Attorney-General’s Department banned history textbooks based on the 2004 revised curriculum in March 2007 for not mentioning PKI involvement in the 1948 and 1965 coup attempts. In March 2008, anti-communist organisations such as CICS (Indonesian Centre for Community Studies) in East Java, headed by high school teacher Arukat Djaswadi, and the Anti-Communist Front protested the National Human Rights Commission’s decision to set up a working group to investigate the 1965-66 mass killing of leftists.
The problematic relationship between the PRD and the security forces is evident once more in the case of Papernas. A police permit for the Papernas founding congress issued by Yogyakarta Police was revoked before the congress. The police cited three reasons for revoking it, including that in their view that the use of Tripanji was ``identical with the PKI’’ and that Papernas did not use the word Pancasila in its application for a permit. The Papernas Central Leadership Committee alleged that the police would not issue a permit, due to intervention and pressure from the local military command (Korem).
When the Papernas rally on education and investment laws in Central Jakarta was attacked by up to 2000 people throwing rocks and metal poles in March 2007, the police did not stop the attack, arguing that the attacks took place in the South Jakarta police jurisdiction. In Palu on May 13, three Papernas activists were beaten up by a group of 30 people including a soldier, Private Makmur Palu 132/Tadulako sub-district military command. In Lampung on September 3, 2007, guarded by two water cannons and a company of the Mobile Brigade, the Forestry Department prevented Papernas from using its hall for a Papernas meeting. Hundreds of people were forced to meet outside the hall.
In Balikpapan, Kalimantan on May 17, the offices of the KPRM (Committee of the Politics of the Poor), a group that split off from the pro-Papernas wing of the PRD were also attacked and according to the media release by the KPRM, police and intelligence agents joined the attack.
The case of Papernas shows the difficulties of dealing with the New Order legacy, from 1965 to, as recently as the 1996 anti-PRD propaganda. After 10 years of reformasi, parties with a left platform face challenges from the anti-communist values that exist in society as well as opposition from the security forces and government. However, left activists have more room to organise today than they ever did under Suharto.
[This article is based on a revised academic paper presented to the Indonesia Council Open Conference (Asian Studies Association of Australia) in Melbourne, September 24-25, 2007, on a panel titled “The Left in Indonesia”. ]
from: Links
How do we deal with those barrier
4:45 AM Posted by National Liberation Party Of Unity (PAPERNAS)
Certainly, the repression does give impact to our works. To meet our targeted structure, Members of National Liberation Party of Unity (PAPERNAS) both in National and regional will be deployed to the area where PAPERNAS structure has not been established.
It has been a years, since preparatory process to Party establishment, PAPERNAS faced with various repression and intimidation. Putting forward the Party’s program that is called as three Banners of the National Unity (Repudiation of the Foreign Debt, Nationalization to mining and oil industries) is considered as a crime action.
Responded to the emergence of new alternative party and its program, FPI, FAKI or any group who are identified themselves as anti-communist group has been act repressively to stop Papernas our new party to flourish. Numbers of our activity from the founding congress in
Moreover, Prominent Islamic Cleric in Tuban established Friendship Forum to Safeguard Pancasila and the
Another Barrier is a new political bill to maintain the domination positions of power despite of Traditional parties, such as Golkar Party and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), despite the fact that their performance has been far from satisfying,
This anti-democratic bill designs to render new political party to flourish. In order to get registered as the election candidate any political party must deposit five billion Rupiah (US$ 500.000). Furthermore the party must establish its structures (committees, office branch and office equipment) in 66% of the entire number of provinces , 75% of the total district and 50% of the sub district. The party will be drop from election registration if the party lack one of the structure.
How do we react to these Barriers?
Repression Papernas peaceful convoy on March 29, 2007 encouraged the independent advocates to help Papernas in preceding the legal case. On April 2, 2007 , 23 advocates who could not tolerate the violation to people’s political rights voluntarily established An Legal aid team for Papernas (TAHUP)
On April 4, Papernas with TAHUP reported the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) to the Metro Jaya regional police. Papernas filed a report on the violation of freedom of expression," police ignorance to such violation. PAPERNAS also submit the report expropriation on our political rights to the National Commission on Human Rights.
In certain level, the repression delays the works to extend the structure. However admit this repression Papernas has established in 134 districts, 561subdistrict. However to anticipate the forth coming bill, PAPERNAS targets to build the structure correspond to the new bill. In the province level, Papernas has met the requirement. However, Papernas must extend the structure to another 124 districts and 932 sub districts. To meet this target, Some members of national leadership together with regional leadership will be deployed to the district or sub district where the structure has not been established.
(* Katarina Pujiastuti)
Keeping the power in their hand ; the agenda behind the new political bill and the repression to Papernas
4:47 AM Posted by National Liberation Party Of Unity (PAPERNAS)
Katarina Pujiastuti
(30 April 2007) - Ever since pro market-policy introduces, poverty, injustice and oppression are the common experience of the Poor’s daily lives.
List of the injustice is too long to describe in this rich country where Chevron, Exxon mobile oil and other giant corporations collect millions in the land where more than 40 million people live with less than a dollar per day. The country which provides all necessary flexibilities in terms of regulation and tax- elimination for foreign investment, despite 10 million of its workers are thrown into unemployment and million others being trapped in insecure job.
Everyday, media publishes starvation, malnutrition and impoverishment as a reality faced by the people who live in the countries with abundant natural resources. Although media have widely published its economic decline in statistics still that do not represent millions whose lives are sacrificed by the pro-market policy.
Protests have sparked from various sectors across the country condemning injustice and to bring the rights back to the people. Restless voices begin questioning: what will free us from all of these? Then this question will lead to the next question: What is a necessary thing to do to bring the sovereignty to the people ?
In this critical situation, on January 18-21, 2006 The National Liberation Party of Unity (Papernas) emerged as an alternative party that determines to unify various democratic organizations. Papernas launches its three strategic programs that will overcome this ongoing crisis. The program consists of ; Repudiation of Foreign debt, Nationalization of mining industries and Strengthening and Protecting the National industries for people’s welfare. Therefore the solution, being directly contradicted the role of International capital is then considered as a serious threat to the ruling class whose later, as a counter-reaction, starts to launch series of repression and violence.
Stumbling block through politic and through repression
The first action is to label Papernas as a communist organization and use anti-democratic groups to stop any Papernas’ activities. Thirty two years of Suharto’s military dictatorship that demonizing communist has produced a strong impact to Indonesian people, despite the fact that Communist Party-suspected Coup in 1965 have never been proved and still very much an endless debates by national and overseas historians.
As a result, Papernas then has to face experiences on repression. The groups, whatever their names are, have similar character intimidated and repressed various events. The group who called themselves Anti-communist group (FAKI) intended to disperse the declaration of Party’s Preparatory committees last January this year. FAKI also intimidated Party Founding congress. On March 29, the group who called themselves as Islam defender forum (FPI) attacked PAPERNAS convoy and injured 12 participants, mostly women. All the threat and repression happened in front of the police who took no serious action to them. State apparatus negligence has reaffirmed the political motive behind the attack.
Besides repression, the rulers conduct political action as well. The ruling parties that strongly defend neoliberal policy would not tolerate people’s movement to come in their way. Then they put forward a political bill that aim to limit the people’s participation on election. By pushing a much more difficult requirements. The bill designs to render new political party to flourish. In order to get registered as the election candidate any political party must deposit five billion Rupiah (US$ 500.000). Furthermore the party must establish its structures in 66% of the entire number of provinces , 75% of the total district and 50% of the sub district.
The ten-year-celebration of the downfall of the Suharto’s dictatorship has nearly come. But democracy in this 220 million-inhabited country is going through a fragile and very unstable way. The new-born democracy have found itself step into the trap of globalization, in which neoliberal policy is legitimized and justified by what so called the state’s democratic institutions. On the other hand, this pro-neoliberal government has no intention to exercise its resources to seriously protect and defend democracy, being busy itself maintaining political supports from various Islamic groups and figures.
Providing an alternative political power is then the only rational way left for the democratic movement. We, the new party, Papernas, consider our self as trying to fulfill this role, despite the mounting pressure and repression. We believe that an alternative is what this nation needed. And Papernas is there, simply to give them hope that another